NHS Consultants' Association

NHSCA is a pressure group which believes in cooperation rather than competition

Calling our representatives to account over the Bill

By Jacky Davis, co-chair of NHSCA - 6th February 2012 12:34 pm

On Thursday last week the Royal College of GPs finally did the decent and came out in opposition to the Health and Social Care Bill, thus lining up alongside the BMA, RCN, RCM, CSP, Unison, Unite and almost everybody else who is involved in NHS healthcare.

While their stated opposition was a powerful blow against the Bill, a much more devastating one was on the agenda but was never delivered.

On 24 January, the BMA had summoned the great and the good of the medical establishment to a summit meeting about the threat of the Bill. Those already in declared opposition to the Bill were there, as well as those still sitting on the fence, including most of the royal medical colleges. The RCGP had of course produced their own heroine (in the form of Clare Gerada) many months previously, but the rest had steadfastly refused to follow in her footsteps, some even declaring that her position was about personal aggrandisement (a sin which college presidents very much disapprove of).

Nothing less than the fate of the NHS was in the hands of those who were present. They knew the decision before them could not be more important - would they stop being ‘complicit enablers’, withdraw their tacit support for the bill and hasten its demise? Surely the Bill - already badly damaged - could not survive a full frontal attack from the united medical establishment? We waited with baited breath to hear what these wise and powerful people, our representatives, would do.

But the surgeons did not even attend (”too political”) and others were feeling distinctly nervous. No agreement was reached and the communiqué issued afterwards was so insipid s to be scarcely credible, not a roar but a squeak.

A number of Medical Royal Colleges, the BMA, the RCN and organisations representing other clinical professionals, met today (26/1/12) to discuss their approaches to the Health and Social Care Bill. There was a useful exchange of information and an agreement to continue the dialogue.

The draft statement was not signed but nevertheless was immediately leaked to The Guardian - nobody is saying by whom - which sparked an outbreak of activity, a full frontal assault on the medical establishment to persuade them not to sign up to joint opposition.

The colleges would be out in the cold, no-one would return their phone calls, they really should not defy the government. And they didn’t. Instead of facing up to threats and bullying by going public about this disgraceful behaviour the draft statement fell from their limp hands and they beat a retreat. Andrew Lansley heaved a huge sigh of relief and the members of the medical royal colleges, who subscriptions keep them afloat, wondered what on earth happened to backbone and democracy. Some began to consider withholding their annual subs, as membership is not needed to practice or for revalidation.

Why pay hundreds of pounds a year to be (mis)represented in this way?

The fact is that of the colleges only the RCGP and the RCPsych have taken the trouble to survey their members on what they think about changes to the NHS that are so big they can be seen from outer space. The others seem happy, in time honoured fashion, for president’s opinion to equal policy.

In the age of rapid electronic communication and social networking there is no excuse for colleges not to consult the membership and there is no excuse for the members to put up with this behaviour. It is now time to get organised and to use the due process to call our representatives to account. This can be easily done here - where names are being collated to call for Emergency General  Meetings. The RCR and the RCP have already seen the light and called emergency meetings, others like the RCPCH and RCS seem determined to resist.

There is still time for the college presidents to step up and lead the medical establishment in opposing the Bill, but it seems that they would rather be dragged into opposition - for they surely will be when their members forgather.

Meanwhile we are still exposed to the unappetising spectacle of leaders - who could have put an end to the hated legislation -wringing their hands and bleating about “serious concerns” and “intensive lobbying” while the ship is going down under them. The medical profession are starting to feel like troops in WW1 i.e. lions led by donkeys. We’d like more roaring and less braying please.

Bevan’s Run: two doctors, six marathons, one NHS

By Clive Peedell, oncologist and co-chair of the NHSCA - 26th January 2012 12:34 pm

Andrew Lansley’s Health and Social Care Bill will fundamentally undermine the founding principles of the NHS by turning the NHS into a regulated competitive external market system, leading to increasing NHS commercialisation and privatisation. The public provision of healthcare will increasingly be replaced by private sector providers. This process will be driven by Clinical Commissioning Groups, which will buy in private sector commissioning support to help manage the new healthcare market.

This process will be catalysed by the £20 billion of efficiency savings required of the NHS by 2014-15. This will lead to increasing waiting lists, service failures and rationing of care, driving a new market for private healthcare insurance, top ups and co-payments. Struggling Foundation Trusts will need to treat increasing numbers of private patients to stay afloat. Hence the importance of the recently announced rise of the private income cap to 49%: NHS Hospitals in England will be allowed to use almost half their beds and theatre time for private patients.

This new market will lead to a more expensive, fragmented, and inequitable healthcare service. An increasingly commercialised and financially based system will erode medical professionalism and the social contract, thus fundamentally undermining the trust in the doctor-patient relationship that is so crucial to good clinical care.

The Bill is fundamentally flawed and is based on a philosophy of unfettered faith in market ideology, rather than evidence. The NHS has recently been shown to be a highly performing system by the Commonwealth Fund, and received its highest ever public satisfaction ratings in the recent British Social Attitudes survey. There is no democratic mandate for such a major top-down reorganisation, yet much of the reform is being implemented before the legislation has even been enacted. This is causing chaos on the frontline as PCT staff are being sacked and organisational memory is lost. It is also extremely costly, with estimates of the cost of the reorganisation now estimated at up to £4billion by the LSE’s Professor Patrick Dunleavey.

It is therefore of no surprise that there has been a major backlash from the health professions, with the BMA, Royal College of Nursing and the Royal College of Midwives, now all publicly opposing the Bill and calling for it to be withdrawn.

However, despite the widespread opposition from NHS stakeholders, the Bill continues on its journey towards Royal Ascent, aided by the Parliamentary maths of a coalition government, which gives it a majority in both Chambers.

It is painfully ironic, that if the Conservative Party had won an outright majority at the General Election, the Bill would have been blocked in the Lords by Liberal Democrat peers. Instead, Liberal Democrat MPs and peers are putting “politics before patients” to keep the coalition together to ensure their political survival. This is very bad news for those who value the NHS as a publicly funded, publicly provided and publicly accountable healthcare system. However, at this very difficult time, we should all remember the famous words of Aneurin Bevan about the NHS: ”It will last a long as there are folk left with the faith to fight for it.”

This famous phrase is the motto of the NHS Consultants’ Association and as co-chairman of this organisation, I felt it was my duty to try and live up to it in order to defend the NHS from this Bill.

I therefore decided to try and raise professional and public awareness of the dangers of the Bill by running 160 miles in 6 days, from Aneurin Bevan’s statue in Cardiff City Centre to the Department of Health in London in a symbolic protest. So on a damp Tuesday morning on the 10 January this year, I set out from Bevan’s statue in Cardiff with my colleague Dr David Wilson (a fellow Consultant clinical oncologist from Middlesbrough) with three mock postcards from Bevan, to personally deliver to David Cameron’s constituency office in Witney, Andrew Lansley at the Department at Health, and finally to Number 10 Downing Street.

The run was dubbed “Bevan’s Run” and I set up a blogsite and used Twitter to campaign along the way. (You can follow my Twitter timeline @cpeedell).

We ran 30 miles on the first day to finish on the English side of the old Severn Bridge. We were joined by Stefan Coghlan, chairman of BMA Wales for the first 13 miles. He has only intended to run 6 miles, but he pushed on to make it all the way to Newport station, where he borrowed £20 of me to get the train back.

Day 2 saw us run on to Tetbury (25 miles). This is when I developed left knee pain and required a knee support and 600mg of ibuprofen to carry on.

Day 3 took us through the Cotswolds and into Burford, at which point I developed right knee pain, requiring another knee support and more painkillers!

On day 4, we stopped off in David Cameron’s constituency of Witney, where we at least managed to get some local media attention. There was a rally in the Green of the Town Centre with speakers including Professor Allyson Pollock of Queen Mary University London; Prof Ian Banks, President of the European Men’s Health Forum; Dr David Wrigley of BMA UK Council; and Dr Jacky Davis, co-chair of the NHS Consultants’ Association. We then marched down the High Street to post “Bevan’s Postcard” at the Conservative Party constituency office. Later that day we stopped off at “Nye Bevan Close” in Oxford for another publicity opportunity and got onto Meridian News that evening.

Day 5 was a grim slog from Wheatley, Oxfordshire to Beaconsfield, where we delivered a “bonus” postcard to the office of Dominic Grieve MP, Attorney General.

On the final day we set off on a frosty, crisp morning towards Central London. We met up with some fellow “Bevan Runners” on the way, and six hours later, finally turned into Parliament Street to be greeted by a few hundred supporters outside Richmond House (Department of Health). The BBC cameras were there, but we didn’t make the TV news or even the BBC News website.

After some more speakers including Dr Clare Gerada, president of the Royal College of GPs, we headed off to Downing Street rattling a “Bevan’s bedpan” full of spoons to signify Bevan’s famous words about a bedpan falling in Tredegar hospital being heard to reverberate around the corridors of Whitehall. We handed our postcard in to Number 10 and then it was time for home, shattered and aching, but proud to have stood up for the principles of our fantastic NHS.

I think it is fair to say that we failed to grab the national media attention we needed to raise public awareness about the threats to the NHS from the Bill, but we did raise professional awareness with lots of coverage in the medical press. We are now seeing a groundswell of opposition to the Bill building up from the medical and nursing professions. The medical royal colleges are coming under increasing pressure to join the BMA, RCN and RCM to oppose this Bill. This could prove a fatal blow Lansley’s privatisation plans.

The NHS is too important for our society to lose. It is the glue that holds the social fabric together. All is not lost - we must continue the fight for the NHS.

This article was first published on the Open Democracy website.

At last the BMA stands up to be counted on the Bill

By Jacky Davis, co-chair of NHSCA and BMA council member - 8th December 2011 1:31 pm

The BMA - representing 147,000 doctors in the UK - finally lost patience with Andrew Lansley’s unloved and unwanted Health and Social Care Bill last week when its national council voted decisively to move to a position of full opposition to the entire Bill and to campaign against the threatened legislation.

Up until now the doctors’ trades union has believed that it could rescue the parts of the Bill that appealed to some doctors, in particular the proposal that GPs commission care on behalf of their patients. At the same time they hoped that by reasonably engaging with politicians they could mitigate the frankly obnoxious parts, in particular the burgeoning involvement of the private sector in delivering the service, and the emphasis on competition rather than collaboration in the English NHS, an attitude which is completely counter cultural for health care professionals and which has no benefit for patients beyond a spurious ‘choice’ agenda which most don’t want.

However a leaked document - Developing Commissioning Support: Towards Service Excellence - has proved to be the final straw that broke the BMA’s hope that something - anything - could be rescued from this legislation. It is written in the usual impenetrable jargon and double-speak but when translated into plain English it indicates that the private sector will rapidly be taking over the support of commissioning, leaving GPs with little power beyond organising some specialised areas such as learning difficulties and yet still likely to get the blame for the cuts and closures which will inevitably result from the financial squeeze which the NHS is facing.

It makes a mockery of promises to put the profession and patients in the driving seat, a position which will instead be firmly occupied by the transnational health corporations who see huge opportunities for helping themselves to a large slice of the NHS budget.

With GPs furious about this early betrayal it is now difficult to find anyone outside the Coalition and the Department of Health who thinks this Bill is anything other than a dangerous and chaotic mess. More than a few Tories wish it would just go away. The Lords are trying to water it down with amendments but the Bill is of a piece, woven from whole cloth and no amendment is going to make it palatable or even workable.

With Andrew Lansley arousing more suspicions by refusing to disclose the risk assessment documents to the House of Lords (so much for promises of transparency in government) it is astonishing that it is being allowed to stagger on when it would be in almost everybody’s interest to put it out of its misery.

The NHS is after all (Commonwealth Fund Study 2011) one of the most cost effective and popular health services in the industrialised world, and the last thing it needs (according to a recent report by the OECD) is another major upheaval. The ‘crisis’ of the NHS is a manufactured one, scare stories invented to suit the Coalition’s assault on public services, and we are not fooled by bogus statistics about poor outcomes, of which the government should be ashamed.

So, here is a suggestion: halt the Bill now, just stop it and concentrate on rescuing the situation on the ground brought about by starting to implement it before it is law. Then we can take a deep breath and consider in relative leisure how we can improve the NHS without destroying it. Otherwise this will be the Coalition’s poll tax, and they will suffer the political consequences because the public will not forgive the political vandals responsible for the destruction of the most popular institution in this country bar none.

Join ‘Bevan’s Run’ to protest against THE BILL

By Mike Broad - 24th November 2011 2:05 pm

Whatever your view of the Health and Social Care Bill - evil instrument of NHS privatisation or empowering tool for clinician-led commissioning - you’ve got to respect people who go the extra mile to get their message across.

I’ve mentioned the chairman of the Israel Medical Association in the past who completed a 12-day hunger strike earlier this year in a bid to secure better pay, work conditions and funding for the country’s public doctors.

Dr Clive Peedell is about to embark on his own form of suffering in order to raise the profile of his anti-Health Bill campaign. He’s a clinical oncologist, co-chair of the NHS Consultants’ Association and a member of BMA council. Along with another oncologist Dr David Wilson, he’s going to be running 160 miles from Aneurin Bevan’s statue in Cardiff to the Department of Health in Whitehall.

It was Bevan, the founding father of the NHS, who famously said: “The NHS will last as long as there are folk left with the faith to fight for it.”

Sponsored by the NHSCA, this protest run against the Health Bill will take six days between 10-15 January.

The aim of the run is to raise public awareness about the lack of democratic mandate for the NHS reforms, the plans for increasing NHS privatisation, and the undermining of the founding principles of the English NHS.

Dr Peedell says he will also be highlighting how the public is being misled by the government. It is also aimed at raising more opposition to the Bill from within the profession.

They’re going to run through Chepstow, Gloucester, the Cotswolds, Oxford, and High Wycombe. They’ll also make an important stop in Witney town centre (David Cameron’s constituency) to make a public demonstration against the reforms.

Clive said: “We welcome any doctors who want to join the run at any stage, and we really want a large welcoming crowd when we arrive in Witney.”

He also hopes to publicise Dr Kailash Chand’s government e-petition to drop the Bill.

Keep up with the progress of Clive and David’s ‘Bevan Run’ through his tweeting.

Twitter campaign not enough to derail Health Bill

By Jacky Davis, co-chair of NHSCA and consultant radiologist - 5th September 2011 5:34 pm

Yesterday the New York Times published a full page letter from the CEO of Starbucks. It asked US politicians to stop wrecking the country through their bipartisan behaviour and to come together to sort out the country’s problems. It threatened withdrawal of commercial funding for political parties if this didn’t happen.

We need such an open letter from the leaders of our profession and we need it urgently. Tomorrow sees the third reading of Lansley’s odious Health Bill, which the majority of the profession wants scrapped. This weekend the news broke that the DoH is in negotiation with Helios, about the takeover of up to 20 NHS hospitals. Helios apparently turns around failing hospitals ‘largely by cutting staff or wage levels’.

In the papers, McKinsey warned the Department of Health not to bundle off all the hospitals to the private sector at once and instead start from a mindset of ‘one at a time’. The consultants told officials to be mindful of the ‘various political constraints’ associated with privatisation.

In other words, this is the road we’re going down but gently does it as we don’t want to frighten the horses.

So here we have it in black and white, on the eve of the Bill which will allow it to happen. Where is the protest from the profession? The BMA, mandated by its own council to run a campaign to have the Bill withdrawn, is confining itself to Twitter, which pretty much describes its behaviour thus far and is hardly a full blooded campaign.

We need a full page letter in the papers, stating unequivocally that the doctors of this country are not - as Cameron lied - on board with this legislation. That it will do irreversible damage to the NHS and our ability to care for our patients.

Unison and Unite are campaigning openly against the Bill and would surely join us as co-signatories. The RCGP, openly critical of the Bill, must be invited to sign.

This Bill is on its knees and could be dealt a death blow by such a public statement from health professionals. Come on chaps, what are you waiting for? If Starbucks can do it, so can we.

We all need to get behind anti-Health Bill campaign

By Clive Peedell - 5th August 2011 9:38 am

The NHS Consultants’ Association backs the BMA campaign to withdraw the Health and Social Care Bill.

Following the Executive Committee meeting of the NHSCA on the 4 August 2011, there was a unanimous decision to congratulate and support the BMA over its decision to mount a public campaign to call for withdrawal of the Health and Social Care Bill.

The NHSCA continues to believe that the Health and Social Care Bill represents the greatest threat to the NHS in its history. Despite the government’s proposed changes to the Bill following the Future Forum report, the key policy levers to deliver a full blooded market based system with increasing NHS privatisation remain intact. Worse still, the bill is now even more complicated and will be more costly to implement.

The Royal College of GPs has worked out that the number of NHS statutory bodies is going to increase from 163 bodies to 521! No wonder why Dr Hamish Meldrum, chair of BMA council stated that the Bill was: “Hopelessly complex and it really would be better if it were withdrawn.”

We are now left with a policy mess, at a time when the NHS is facing the greatest funding crisis in its history, with the QIPP efficiency drive aiming to deliver £20bn of savings by 2014. This will actually act as a catalyst to drive increasing privatisation of the NHS, as PCT clusters are forced to ration NHS care due to financial constraints, and NHS trusts come under huge financial pressure to cut costs.

We are already seeing an increase in NHS waiting lists and many PCTs reducing their lists of ‘NHS core services’, both of which result in increasing uptake of private health insurance policies. This has been widely reported in the media (here and here).

The Bill will also abolish the private practice income cap on foundation trusts, which will be under severe financial pressure to treat more PPs to increase their income. Some trusts will be forced into mergers, management takeovers, or even have to close down under the proposed legislation. This pressure will be increased with the introduction of new providers into the system through the ‘any qualified provider’ (AQP) policy, which is just a rebranded version of the previous ‘any willing provider’ policy.

The AQP policy is a key privatisation mechanism and is strengthened by the abolition of the NHS ‘preferred provider policy’. This will clearly impact upon the working lives of doctors as increasing numbers will find themselves working for private healthcare companies. Existing workers will have their terms and conditions protected by TUP legislation, but new employees to the NHS will not have these protections.

The most worrying aspect of the legislation is that once the Bill is enacted, the NHS is highly likely to be subjected to EU competition law because of the more open market nature of the system. This will make it nearly impossible to reverse the policies and the NHS will be finished as a comprehensive publicly funded, publicly provided and publicly accountable system.

It is therefore crucial that the profession backs the BMA over this public campaign to call for withdrawal of the bill. The presidents of the royal colleges should also be lobbied to back this campaign. This is the last chance saloon for the NHS and we must grasp it before it is too late.

Conflict of interest of author: Dr Clive Peedell is co-chair of the NHSCA and also a member of BMA council. However, the decision of the NHSCA exec committee to back the BMA was unanimous.

Half-steam ahead on NHS reform but still on course

By Jacky Davis, co-chair of NHSCA - 16th June 2011 9:51 am

According to all accounts Captain Cameron and second mate Lansley have listened to the weather warnings of the Future Forum, have duly altered course and are now steering the SS Health Service into a bright new future.

Or are they? Closer examination of the small print suggests that we are in reality still heading into stormy waters and are the victims of a massive PR trick by the government who have managed to stay on course while persuading us that they have significantly altered the Health and Social Care Bill.

Lansley has reassured backbenchers that no red lines have been crossed and that the core principles of the Bill are untouched. On the same day that the papers were reporting Cameron’s “explicit rejection of further private sector involvement in the NHS” Lansley himself was addressing a conference of private companies eager to get involved in commissioning and providing NHS care.

One of the core principles of the Bill is to facilitate private involvement in commissioning and delivering NHS care (and anyone who still doesn’t believe that this is advised to read Colin Leys and Stewart Player’s compelling book The Plot against the NHS). All the policy levers for this - in particular GP commissioning and any willing provider, - remain in place. The emphasis of the role of Monitor has been altered but can easily be redirected once the well orchestrated political dust has settled.

Two important news stories have recently highlighted the problems of allowing the private sector to deliver more NHS care. The potential collapse of Southern Cross should serve as a warning shot across the bows.

Services, such as social and healthcare, are too important to be allowed to fail. If they are farmed out to the private sector the state will have to step when - as in this instance - the private sector fails. In this case local councils are not only accepting their duty to protect state-funded residents but also a moral responsibility for self-funded ones. Thus the state has to bail out the private sector and we have the worst possible combination of the private sector taking the profits and the tax payer taking the risk.

In the same week, Panorama revealed abuse in a residential hospital for vulnerable adults, run by a private company looking after NHS patients. One of the staff had gone to great lengths to draw attention to this via management and then the Care Quality Commission, but had been ignored. If the CQC can’t manage to police private sector involvement now how will it manage once the flood gates open after the Bill goes through.

Polls show that the profession strongly opposes the further introduction of the private sector, and yet this is exactly what is happening, despite the government’s pledge to have made significant changes to the Bill.

Competition is being rebranded as choice which will now be overseen by the NHS Co-operation and Competition Panel rather than Monitor. This may happen more slowly but it will happen. So first mate Lansley is still on board and it is half-steam ahead but still on course for the privatisation of the NHS.

Will the Liberal Democrats really save the NHS?

By Clive Peedell, consultant oncologist and co-chair of the NHSCA - 23rd May 2011 10:43 am

The Lib Dems have a lot to answer for when it comes to the deeply unpopular Health and Social Care Bill. The Orange Book wing of the Lib Dems, of which Nick Clegg is a key member, actually supports the idea of a social insurance scheme with private providers to replace the NHS, which is a key objective of the current bill.

The Lib Dem election manifesto promoted the idea of a market-based healthcare system and abolition of SHAs. The coalition agreement on health reform was signed by Nick Clegg and reviewed by Danny Alexander. The final page of the Bill itself (p367) has the Lib Dem names of Nick Clegg, Vince Cable, Danny Alexander and Paul Burstow as supporters the Bill.

Finally, Lib Dem MPs have fully supported the Bill through its first two readings in Parliament.

However, the political landscape changed when the scale of the public and professional opposition became clear. The Lib Dem’s Spring conference, along with other factors such as the Royal College of Nursing vote of no confidence in health secretary Andrew Lansley, was crucial in terms of changing Nick Clegg’s stance on the reforms and gaining a natural “pause” in the Bill.

Following the trouncing of the Lib Dems in the local elections, Clegg’s demands for changes to the Bill have become increasingly muscular and substantial. He is currently demanding that the economic regulator, Monitor scraps its requirement to promote competition and at the weekend it was reported in The Guardian that he is now calling for a clause in the bill encouraging “any qualified provider” to take over services from the NHS, to be radically rethought or dropped.

If this policy was dropped then it would seriously curtail market forces and reduce the risk and rate of further NHS marketisation and privatisation. Considering that Lansley was “cheered to the rafters” for his reform agenda by the Conservative Party’s backbencher 1922 Committee last week, this is going to lead to very serious divisions in the coalition.

We potentially have a situation where current Lib Dem amendments could water down the Bill so significantly, that they would be incompatible with the main aim of the Bill, which is to introduce more market competition and private sector provision into the NHS.

The Conservatives have made a huge political gamble to radically overhaul the NHS and they will not back down lightly. It will only be worth the risk, if the end product is satisfactory. Since the market policies of choice, competition, and any willing provider are mutually reinforcing, loss of only one of these mechanisms would scupper the functioning of a market system. Thus, we have a potentially explosive political impasse. The input of the Future Forum will be of academic interest only, because it will be the political situation which ultimately decides the fate if the NHS.

So what are the possible political scenarios?

1. Conservatives ditch the Lib Dems and end the coalition. Simon Heffer from The Telegraph wrote an opinion piece about this, encouraging the Tories to go it alone, but this not likely because Cameron would need to be certain of winning an election outright and this certainly doesn’t look likely with the current polls and the fact that the NHS would feature heavily in election contest debates. The “nasty” party would be back on the agenda.

2. Lib Dems ditch the Conservatives and end the coalition on a ticket of “saving the NHS”. This is highly unlikely because of the risks involved. They will look like political opportunists rather than saviours of the NHS and their polling is simply too weak at present to risk it.

3. Coalition to stay together and get the bill through with amendments. This is clearly the most likely scenario, but what amendments are achieved is clearly the main issue here. As Nick Clegg said: “No bill is better than a bad bill”. Opponents of the reforms will need to be on their guard and forensically look at proposed changes. There will be backroom wheeler-dealering and plenty of political rhetoric to form enough smoke and mirrors to hide the plans to keep the Bill as close to the original as possible.

4. Coalition to stay together with withdrawal of the Bill. This initially would seem highly unlikely because as stated above, the Tories have put so much political capital and risk into this Bill. It would be a disaster for them because they would get the worst of both worlds. Unpopularity and political damage resulting from the fallout, plus no end result. However, this could be very attractive for the Lib Dems. They could get a lot of public support for this and the Tories would be so politically weakened that they could not end the coalition because they would not win an election. This means that the coalition would need to struggle on until the next election, which would give the Lib Dems time to rebuild their credibility.

This is clearly a crucial time. As an opponent of the reforms, I would personally favour option 4 because I think that the bill is unamendable due to the mutually reinforcing nature of market based policies. I also think that this is the best way for the Lib Dems to regain their credibility.

They really do have the power to save the NHS. It will be a serious U-turn of course, which will be highly criticised, but they could always claim that it was ‘in the national interest’. I would support that and I think that most of the public would do too.

For ‘The Big Listen’ read ‘The Big PR Exercise’

By Jacky Davis, consultant radiologist and co-chair of NHSCA - 12th April 2011 11:08 pm

When the trio of likely lads Cameron, Clegg and Lansley appeared recently at Frimley Park Hospital to launch the ‘Big Listen’ the staff looked like rabbits caught in the headlights. They were supposed to be there to tell the politicians what they felt about the reforms but instead they were the recipients of the Big Schmooze. And in truth it would take a brave nurse or theatre porter to stand up in front of the press and TV cameras and tell the Prime Minister what they really thought of their proposed health reforms.

So the first question is who is going to listen to whom? All the talk on the government’s side is of misunderstandings, repackaging, reassurance and a better presentation of ideas. It seems that it is we who have not been listening hard enough, and Mr Lansley’s only problem that he is not a natural ‘communicator’.

Andrew Lansley is not a listener. I’ve had the dubious pleasure of meeting him on two occasions, and can confirm that like many politicians he only listens to what he wants to hear. He is not interested in anti-market views, and most certainly believes his critics are simply wrong. The only reason he is having to grit his teeth and pretend to pay attention now is the formidable array of opponents to his legislation, and a stark warning from Sir David Nicholson that the ‘reforms’ will lead to chaos.

David Cameron, with his laissez faire attitude to his cabinet ministers, is waking up rather late in the day to the fact that the ‘reforms’ have provoked strong antibodies from the profession and the public. He knows only too well that a government that makes a mess of the NHS will be severely punished at the polls.

Andrew Lansley has had plenty of opportunity to listen. He could have discussed his proposals with NHS workers before producing them fully formed shortly after he had promised ‘no more top down reorganisations of the NHS’. But he didn’t. He could have listened to the 6,000 responses to the bogus ‘consultation’ exercise, but he didn’t and none of the major concerns was taken on board. He could have taken on board some of the 700 proposed amendments in the recent committee stage of the bill but he didn’t.

There is no reason to suspect that the Big Listen will be any different - a cosmetic exercise to bamboozle those who don’t understand the underlying purpose of the Bill and to stave off disaster at the forthcoming local elections. You only have to look at who he has appointed to lead the exercise to know that there is no serious intention to make significant change. And the recent leaked memo from Sir David Nicholson, claiming that certain elements can’t be changed, indicates that only minor surgery is contemplated.

The problem is not with Mr Lansley’s communication skills but with what he has to sell. There is no misunderstanding on the part of the opponents of the bill. We understand very well that all the elements of the bill that trouble people - Monitor, ‘any willing provider’, the draconian powers of the Commissioning Board, the flawed version of GP commissioning - are part of the long term plan. This is to change the NHS into a funder of healthcare, not a provider. The NHS will pay the bills but the care will be provided by competing organisations, initially including NHS institutions and the voluntary sector but increasingly by the private sector.

No amendments will alter this as the government will not be willing to compromise the core purpose of the legislation - they would lose the advantage of all the political pain they have had to endure. Talk of amendments misses the point - the whole bill is toxic. We don’t want reassurance or a better class of schmooze. We want the legislation to be withdrawn, as the BMA has called for already. I hope the likely lads are listening.

The case for total opposition to the Health Bill

By Clive Peedell, consultant oncologist and co-chair of NHSCA - 10th March 2011 4:55 pm

Recent surveys of the profession by the King’s Fund, the RCGP and the BMA have all shown that the majority of doctors do not support the reforms and do not think they will improve patient care.

Following last week’s publication of the Ipsos MORI survey of BMA members in England, the chairman of BMA council, Dr Hamish Meldrum told BMA members that: “There is a central plank of policy that concerns you the most: competition. Almost nine-out-of-ten doctors believe that increased competition brought about by allowing ‘any willing provider’ to tender for services, together with handing enforcing powers to the economic regulator, Monitor, will fragment care.

“The Secretary of State has repeatedly said he wants to listen to doctors. Doctors are telling him that whole rafts of these proposals will either not achieve the intended benefit to patients, or will be harmful. He particularly needs to act on the concerns about competition.”

However, competition between a plurality of ‘any willing providers’ is the fundamental policy underpinning Mr Lansley’s market driven reforms. In fact, competition is the lifeblood of any market system. Lansley himself has stated that: “The first guiding principle is this: maximise competition. There are, of course, potential benefits from privatisation in terms of access to capital, flexibility, and creating new markets; but private sector ownership is a secondary consideration to competition, which is the primary objective.”

Hence many of the other policies in the Bill are designed to promote competition. Thus he is empowering Monitor to be “a strong, pro-competitive regulator”, which will be “geared to maximising competition or enforcing contestability where competition is absent or limited”.

Monitor will also have concurrent powers with the Office of Fair Trading to apply competition law to prevent anti-competitive behaviour. In addition, the NHS Commissioning Board will also have a duty to promote competition.

Crucially, one of the key reasons for transferring £80bn of the NHS budget to GP consortia is to promote competition within the NHS by getting the money as close as possible to the patient (consumer). Mr Lansley explained this in a speech in 2005: “The statutory formula should make clear that choice should be exercised by patients, or as close to the patient as possible, thereby maximising the number of purchasers and enhancing the prospects of competition, innovation and responsiveness to patients.”

Since competition is so fundamental to Lansley’s market based reform agenda, any successful amendments to the Bill that removed the competition element would essentially render the Bill null and void in terms of its main aim of being the blueprint for a market-based healthcare system. However, this is precisely what the BMA are trying to achieve in their attempts to amend the following clauses: Clause 63 - by removing powers to impose requirements to promote competition; Clause 52 - by removing Monitor’s duty to promote competition; and Clause 60 - by removing Monitor’s concurrent powers with the Office of Fair Trading to apply the Competition Act 1998, following the model used in various utility industries.

Although the BMA is still critically engaging with the government and has not joined in with calls for total opposition to the Bill, the BMA is actually proposing anti-competition amendments, which if accepted, would cause the Bill to fall and almost certainly signal the end of this coalition government. It is precisely because of this risk that there is no realistic prospect that these amendments will be accepted in any shape or form.

Since the Bill is very complex and not well understood, the public, the media and the profession have not realised the significance of the BMA’s proposed amendments, which have fallen under the radar. Thus there is too little public attention and opposition at present and the Bill is therefore very likely to become enacted relatively unscathed. This will signal the demise of the English NHS as a publicly funded, publicly provided and publicly accountable universal healthcare system.

This raises the stakes for next week’s BMA Special Representative Meeting (SRM), which is vital because it will offer the best and possibly the only opportunity to save the NHS from Lansley’s radical market reforms. Over 500 motions have been submitted. Crucially, these include motions calling for complete opposition to the Bill, as well as a vote in no confidence in Mr Andrew Lansley.

If these motions are passed, then this will send out a very strong message to the media and the public that grassroots doctors have mandated their leadership to oppose the Bill in its entirety. Since empowerment of doctors was supposed to be one of the key selling points of Lansley’s proposals, outright rejection of the Bill would carry enormous weight.

I believe that the public are the key to saving the NHS, but the legislation and its processes are so complicated that they are not engaged at present. Most doctors don’t understand the implications of Clauses 52, 60 and 63 either, let alone the public. This is why a public display of grassroots doctors rejecting Lansley’s reforms in their entirety at the BMA SRM is so important. This would be a profoundly symbolic moment, which could stimulate enough media and public interest to turn the tide decisively against Mr Lansley. Once the public get a whiff of what his plans really mean, this Bill is in trouble.

This is why I implore BMA members who are attending the SRM next week to vote for total opposition and also add a vote of no confidence in Mr Lansley. We need to defend the NHS from increasing commercialisation and marketisation and the medical profession needs to lead - the public will do the rest.

If we don’t take this opportunity the public will not be forgiving. We should heed the lessons from the experience of the medical profession in the US healthcare system. Between the mid-1960s and the mid-1980s, when the US was becoming increasingly commercialised, public confidence in medicine and health institutions dropped from 73 to 33%. While all major American institutions experienced a loss of public support, the medical profession lost support faster than any other professional group.